To Be Evita ©
- Part II
Day Which Split History: October 17, 1945
In 1943 the separation between the
real country and the government dominated by the oligarchy was a flagrant
one. The climate became more tense as the time for elections drew near.
With the increased tension came the foreboding that the regimen would
put its fraudulent seal on these elections just as it had on previous
ones. On June 4, 1943, a military coup ousted President Ramón Castillo.
When General Pedro P. Ramirez assumed
the Presidency, Colonel
Juan Perón, unknown to the citizenry but prestigious among
his military colleagues, took over the National Department of Labor. One
month later the Department was transformed into the Secretariat of Labor
and Social Welfare. Here Perón laid the political groundwork which would affect the next decade of Argentine
A real national tragedy would now
join two people who up to this moment had been ignorant of each other's
On January 15, 1944, an earthquake
destroyed 90% of the Andean city of San Juan. Seven thousand people died
and 12,000 were left injured. From the Secretariat of Labor and Social
Welfare, Perón organized a national relief effort and invited the
most popular stars of the day to participate. Eva Duarte was among them
and helped take up collections for the needy.
On January 22, a great festival
was held at Luna Park Stadium with all benefits destined for the victims
of the earthquake. Eva Duarte and Colonel Perón began a relationship
which would be socially confirmed at a gala held at the Colón Opera
House on July 9 to celebrate Argentina's Independence Day.
Two days before, General Farrell
(who assumed the Presidency on March 11 when Ramirez resigned) had designated
Perón as Vice President. Perón retained his first position
in charge of the Secretariat of Labor and Social Welfare as well as a
second position which he had recently assumed as Minister of War.
Eva, for her part, had three programs
on Radio Belgrano: at 10:30 A.M. she starred in "Towards a Better Future"
which exalted the goals of the 1943 Revolution; at 6:00 P.M. she was in
charge of the cast of the drama, "Tempest," and at 10:30 P.M. she starred
in "Queen of Kings.
On May 6, 1944, she was chosen President
of the Agrupación Radial Argentina, a union entity which she had
founded in 1943.
Perón had become the key
figure in the new military government-and the most irritating as far as
the opposition was concerned. Eva's presence and the place Perón
accorded her presented another target; this time his own colleagues would
take aim at it. If Perón was atypical, the woman at his side was
even more so: she had decided to stand at the side of her man, not behind
him. And Perón had accepted that which was unacceptable at the
On October 13, 1945, one sector
of the government was successful in obtaining Perón's resignation
from all his positions. He was detained and sent to Martin Garcia, an
island off the coast of Buenos Aires. By this time the workers had realized
that Perón's disappearance would mean the disappearance of his
labor policy and all the conquests they had made. At dawn on October 17
they began to abandon their workplaces and head towards Plaza de Mayo:
they demanded the appearance of their Colonel. Perón's withdrawal
had produced a vacuum of power which only he could fill.
That night Perón appeared
on the balcony of the Casa Rosada and announced that elections would be
held soon. The Plaza became a witness to a new political force in Argentina.
For the cheering occupants of the overflowing Plaza de Mayo, Perón
was now not only their leader but also their candidate.
As far as Eva's role in the crisis
of October 17, at this stage of our investigative research, we have only
the testimony of witnesses. Some have her fighting elbow to elbow with
the workers (Alberto Mello), weaving together the threads of the movement,
bringing the people to the Plaza and on the 17th placing herself at the
vanguard of the movement (Perón), playing no part at all in the
mobilization of the workers (Cipriano Reyes), or totally absent from all
the events (Luis Monzalvo).
In the light of what we know about
Eva's personality at the time and from what she showed herself to be in
later years, it is difficult to validate the opinion of those who sustain
that she did not participate at all in the events. At the same time, the
position she occupied at Perón's side, with the knowledge of what
mechanisms it was necessary to activate but not yet with the power and
influence to activate them makes it difficult to sustain that she was
the pivot of these foundational events of the Peronista Movement. Perhaps
Eva was situated between the two extremes: she could seek a habeas corpus,
open contact with those she knew she could count on and who would be able
to mobilize people, and participate in the events to the extent her resources
Eva never claimed for herself the
role of leader on that 17th of October: Perón was won back by the
"That week of October, 1945, is
a week of many shadows and of many lights. It would be better if we did
not come too close.., we should look at it again from farther away. However,
this does not impede me from saying, with absolute frankness and in anticipation
of what I will someday write in more detail, that the light came only
from the people" (Eva Perón, op.cit., p.39).
October 17th confirmed for Eva that
the events of the past few days did not portend an end (as some had wished)
but a new beginning in Argentine history. This new beginning would have
as its foundation the relationship between a man, Perón, and the
bases of his support, the workers - the descamisados (the shirtless ones).
This relationship withstood all attempts to destroy it and lasted until
Perón's death in 1974. It brought him to the Presidency of Argentina
in 1946, in 1952, and in 1973, after eighteen years in exile.
Perón wrote two letters to
Eva from his prison on the island of Martin Garcia. In one of them he
said, "Today I have written to Farrell, asking him to accelerate my retirement:
as soon as I get out of here we'll get married and we'll go someplace
where we can live in peace.
Their civil marriage took place
on October 22 and the religious ceremony on December 10, the time when
they could go somewhere and live in peace never came.
The Labor Party chose Perón
as its presidential candidate and Quijano as vice president. The opposition,
united under the name of Democratic Union, chose Tamborini and Mosca as
its candidates. Elections would be held in February of 1946.
The campaign was giddy, violent,
aggressive-as are so many in Argentina-in word and in deed (it was marred
"Dairy farm [tambo], urine, and
flies ["mosca" means fly in Spanish]... the formula for manure," said
"Greasy blacks without any conscience,
dirty feet," countered the other.
By the end of December the political
campaigns were ready to hit the interior of the country. "El Descamisado,"
the Labor Party's campaign train, came and went along the tracks. For
the first time in history, a candidate's wife accompanied him. At each
campaign stop, she handed out buttons and greeted the people personally.
We begin to see the profile of another
woman: Eva has definitely entered into the political arena. On February
8 she took another step forward: a convocation of working women met at
Luna Park to show their adhesion to the Labor Party ticket. The presidential
candidate was ill and could not go. Eva went in his place. It was her
debut as a speaker- but they wouldn't let her speak. Every time she tried,
the women shouted, "We want Perón!"
A few months later she would be
acclaimed. She would have become another person. She would be EVITA.
Perón assumed the Presidency, Evita, unlike other Presidents' wives,
asked herself what role she would assume from then on. Once again she
questioned herself about herself, she redefined herself. This time her
role would be defined by her relationship to Perón as President
"This is a foundational circumstance
and is related directly to my decision to be a President's wife who does
not follow the old model. I could have followed those models. I want to
make this clear because sometimes people have tried to explain my "incomprehensible
sacrifice" by arguing that the salons of the oligarchy would have been
closed to me in any case. Nothing is further from the truth nor from common
sense. I could have been a President's wife in the same way that others
were. It is a simple and agreeable role: appear on holidays, receive honors,
"dress up" and follow protocol which is almost what I did before, and
I believe more or less well, in the theater and the cinema. As far as
the hostility of the oligarchs goes, I can't help but smile. And I ask:
why would the oligarchs reject me? Because of my humble origins? Because
of my career as an actress? But has that class of persons ever taken those
reasons into account, here or in any part of the world, when it is the
case of the wife of the President? The oligarchy was never hostile to
anyone who could be useful. Power and money are never bad advantages for
a genuine oligarch... . But I was not just the spouse of the President
of the Republic, I was also the wife of the leader of the Argentine people.
"Peron had a double personality
and I would need to have one also: I am Eva Peron, the wife of the President,
whose work is simple and agreeable ... and I am also Evita, the wife of
the leader of a people who have deposited in him all their faith, hope
"A few days of the year I represent
Eva Perón ... "
"Most of the time, however, I am
Evita ... "
We do not need to speak of Eva Perón.
What she does appears profusely in newspapers and magazines everywhere.
"On the other hand, I would like
very much to talk about Evita... ." (Perón, Eva: op cit. pgs. 69-71).
Strangely enough, when the historical
figure of Evita is discussed, people seem to be most interested in delving
into other instances of her life: her childhood, her family, the life
of her parents, the circumstances surrounding her decision to leave home,
her personal life in Buenos Aires, her success as an actress, the beginning
years of her relationship with Perón, the reasons for her actions.
However, if she had not made the decision to "be Evita," we Argentines
would not even be aware of her name, as we are unaware of the names of
so many other first ladies.
Therefore, it is very interesting
to talk about Evita, interesting to talk about her work with the disadvantaged,
the working class, with women, all woven together into the fabric of her
After Perón became President,
Evita went to work on the fourth floor of the Central Post and Telecommunications
office where she began to attend to delegations of workers who asked her
to intervene in solving labor disputes or helping them obtain better wages.
This relationship with the unions continued to intensify until 1952. It
provided her with a solid political power base and created a foundation
for her social work. She also began to receive the needy and to take care
of their emergencies. She supported the government's policies, and she
paid special attention to a sector which had not been taken into consideration
before. On July 25th she spoke to the women of Argentina, and announced
new measures designed to curb speculation. Beginning in October, her visits
to factories increased and her trips to poor neighborhoods put her in
contact with the people and their needs.
She found much to do. "And we began,"
she said in The Reason for My Life. "Little by little. I couldn't
tell you on what exact day. I can tell you that at first I took care of
everything myself. Then I had to ask for help. Finally I had to organize
the work which in just a few weeks had become extraordinary." (Perón,
Eva: op. cit. pg. 134).
On September 24th Evita began working
from Perón's office in the Secretariat of Labor and Welfare. "I
went to the Secretaría de Trabajo and Previsión because
there I could meet my people easily and without problems; because the
Minister of Labor and Social Welfare is a worker and he and Evita understand
each other without any bureaucratic runarounds; and because the Secretaría
offered me the tools I needed to begin my work... The functionaries of
the Ministry collaborate with me in finding a solution to the problems
brought by the unions, gathering background information, examining the
solution on its own merits as well as studying the possible social and
economic repercussions." (ibid, pgs. 83-84)
The Secretaría was a symbolic
place. On July 30, in one of the meat packing plants at Parque de los
Patricios, Evita said, "My mission is to transmit to the Colonel the concerns
of the Argentine people." Evita saw herself as "the bridge" which brought
Perón nearer to his people. She would become more than that; as
the years went by, her activity became more intense and her working days
She began her mornings by receiving
the people with the most urgent needs at the Residence, then going to
the Secretaría to meet with the unions and the poor. If she had
to interrupt her interviews because of an official reception, homage,
visit or any other activity involving protocol, the people left waiting
at the Secretaría would stay until she returned. And she always would return and would not leave until everyone had been taken
care of. Her days were divided into two parts-- mornings and afternoons
one could say, with a light lunch at 2:00, 3:00 or even 6:00 P.M.
On Wednesdays the unions visited
Perón, and Evita would usher the members in to see him. However,
she rarely participated in these meetings. She continued to work at her
own affairs in a nearby office.
Evita had the habit of dropping
by unexpectedly to visit the Foundation's works under construction and
on Thursdays she would visit its establishments around greater Buenos
In 1947 she was leaving the Secretaría
around 10:00 P.M. and as the years went by her working day grew longer.
The daily paper Democracia described one day, Friday, May 19, 1950:
"She starts her morning very early
in her office at Trabajo y Previsión and the first part of her
day lasts until 4:00 P.M. At 5:00 P.M. she's back and continues to work
until dawn with only a few short breaks. One break is around 8:30 when
she and General Perón attend the signing of a contract which benefits
the alimentation (food) workers. Another is around 11:00 P.M. when she
attends the homage the railroad workers pay to one of their leaders who
has been named a board member of the National Railways. From there she
goes to a banquet at Retiro Park where she is fervently cheered by the
workers of the bottled water industry. Once back at Trabajo y Previsión,
she presides over an act organized by the workers of the cooking oil industry."
Even during her last illness, when
she was advised to decrease her workload, she would inevitably respond,
"I don't have time; I have too much to do."
The same rhythm and the same demands
were placed on her collaborators. Implacably.
During the early months of 1947,
Evita was busy creating her first weapons in defense of the poor: she
set in motion a children's tourism plan and the first contingent of workers'
children left for the hills of Córdoba on January 6, 1947; she
negotiated and gave out subsidies to assist in the construction of polyclinics
designed for workers in the textile and glass industries; she distributed
subsidies granted by the state through her mediation to more than 500
destitute families; she distributed clothes, food and household goods
to needy families. On January 20, 1947, she received a delegation from
Villa Soldati (a slum) which informed her of their unhealthy living conditions.
On the same day she visited their neighborhood, situated close to the
Flores marshlands. She personally took charge of implementing a plan to
provide residents with health care and social services as well as suitable
housing. On January 25, some families began to move into newly-constructed
modern chalets in Avellaneda while the rest of the families waited their
turn in emergency housing. On February 12th these families also moved
into housing provided for them by the municipal government on the 400
block of Belgrano Avenue. (Democracia, January 18, 1947).
From the beginning, Evita had aimed
for "direct social help": a job, medicine, housing. She would continue
throughout her few remaining years of life to create immediate solutions.
Simultaneously, Evita began to travel
to the interior. On October 26, 1946, she left for Córdoba where
two policlínicos were inaugurated. These hospitals for railway
workers had been constructed under the auspices of the Ministry of Labor.
On November 30 she traveled to Tucumán, a province in the north
of Argentina. Her reception was so enthusiastic that it exceeded the ability
of the authorities to control the crowds and some people were injured.
On August 21, the Senate approved
the project which would give women the vote. Evita went to the Chamber
of Deputies to meet with the leaders of the Peronista bloc. Their objective:
women's right to vote. She would return to the Chamber in the following
days to talk to the legislators of the Peronista Party. The campaign had
June of 1947, officially invited by the government of Spain, Evita began
a tour which would take her to Spain, Italy, Portugal, France, Switzerland,
Monaco, Brazil and Uruguay.
Acclaimed in Spain, she received
the country's highest decoration: the Great Cross of Isabel the Catholic.
In Italy she was received by Pope
Pius XII. The gold rosary he gave her would be placed in her hands at
the hour of her death. In Italy she did not always receive a warm welcome:
the Communist Party demonstrated its repudiation of her visit by shouting,
"Down with Fascism!" There were other protests along the way as the tour
continued, but the Communists' were the strongest.
In France she met the future Pope
John XXIII and gave a large donation to the victims injured in the violent
explosion which destroyed the Port of Brest. She also took time from her
schedule to relax.
Wherever she went, the official
itinerary of visits and receptions was interspersed with trips to workers'
neighborhoods and to their institutions. At the same time that she left
donations she sought to learn the lesson: what could Europe teach her
about social action?
Three years after her trip was over
she wrote, "With a few exceptions, on those apprenticeship visits, I learned
everything that institutions of social welfare should not be in our country.
The peoples and governments I visited will forgive me my frankness which
is direct and yet so honorable. On the other hand, they-peoples and governments-are
not to blame. The century which preceded Perón in Argentina is
the same century which preceded them." (Perón, Eva. op.cit.179).
After she returned from Europe,
Evita plunged back into her activities. Before she left she had begun
to fight for women's suffrage. The battle for women's right to vote started
many years ago and was fought within the framework of the worldwide battle
for women's emancipation. Argentina was not a pioneer. New Zealand had
given women the right to vote in 1893 and many nations had already followed
in her footsteps before Argentina's law 13010, passed in 1947, gave Argentine
women the right to equal suffrage.
Before leaving Madrid, on June 15,
1947, Evita addressed the women of Spain: "This century will not go down
in history as the "Century of World Wars" nor even as the "Century of
Atomic Disintegration" but rather as the "Century of Victorious Feminism."
The prediction has not come true; much remains to be done but obtaining
for women the right to vote remains a significant milestone.
In Argentina the struggle for women's
rights began with the turn of the century. The names Cecilia Grierson,
Alicia Moreau de Justo, Elvira Dellepiane, Julieta Lantiri, Carmela Horne
and Victoria Ocampo will be forever linked to this cause.
The feminist organizations of the
time were mostly made up of women from the middle and higher classes,
university graduates who had already begun in their own homes the struggle
to not to be limited by thetraditional roles assigned them by society:
to become wives and mothers.
The suffragettes presented bills
in Congress. Some were wide, some more restrictive and some had the support
of political figures like Alfredo Palacios: all were systematically buried.
The last one, dated 1938, was signed by Victoria Ocampo and Susana Larguía.
The methodology used by the feminists
was limited to the presentation of the bill, the pretense of a vote, the
distribution of consciousness-raising brochures. Compared to the English
suffragettes, for example, Argentine feminists' activity was extremely
What was lacking was a projection
of their organizations beyond their own limits, a broad appeal addressed
to all Argentine women whose profile was very different from that of the
women who were petitioning in their name.
From the Secretaría, the
Secretariat of Labor and Social Welfare, Colonel Perón took up
the political cause of Argentine women and created a Women's Work and
Assistance Division. The right of women to vote was again brought to light.
On July 26,1945, in a session of Congress, Perón specifically underlined
his support for the initiative. The Commission Pro Women's Suffrage was
formed and the government was petitioned to show its support for the Acts
of Chapultepec (in which those countries which had signed the Acts but
had not yet given women the vote agreed to do so).
The subject of women's right to
vote had been taken up by the government itself. A sea change was underway.
With the exception of the Argentine Suffragette Association, presided
over by Carmela Horne, the women's suffrage organizations opposed the
government's support of their projects. On September 3, 1945, the National
Assembly of Women, presided over by Victoria Ocampo, decided to reject
the vote given to them by a de facto government and to demand that the
Supreme Court assume the job of governing the country. The theme of the
Assembly was "Women's Vote Only If Sanctioned by a Congress Chosen in
an Honest Election."
Women's suffrage was once again
put on the back burner during the momentous events of October, 1945.
The electoral campaign of 1946 made
it clear that, whether they supported the Labor Party or the Democratic
Union Party and even without any political rights, women had become part
of Argentine politics. All they needed was to become a legitimate part.
As President, Perón returned
to the topic of women's suffrage in his First Message to Congress, on
July 26, 1946, and in the Five Year Plan. Within this framework, Evita
began her campaign. She worked from different vantage points: with legislators,
with the delegations who visited her, with the women congregated in the
civic centers, by means of radio and the press. For example, on September
17, 1946, she and women from different Peronista feminist organizations
drew up a common action plan. On January 17, 1947, she spoke to a delegation
of women educators from Rosario: "I'm fighting for women's right to vote
and I won't cease in my struggle until that right becomes a reality."
Beginning on January 27, every Wednesday
at 9:00 P.M. she broadcast a message from the Residence to all women,
urging them to join her the struggle for their rights.
When she returned from Europe-where she had alluded to the struggle on
several occasions-she found that the bill was still on the back burner.
Democracia published a "Letter
from Eva Perón to Argentine Women" in which she exhorted them to
fight twice as hard to quickly obtain the passage of the women's suffrage
were two turning points in the history of this process: the entrance of
women into politics and the gaining of official support. A third can be
added: Evita addressed her message to a wide spectrum of women who made
the cause their own and began to assume an active role: they organized
meetings and published pamphlets. Working women took to the streets to
put up posters demanding the passage of the law. Feminist centers and
institutions declared their support. On September 3, when the law should
have been debated in the Chamber of Deputies, a great concentration of
women was convoked. The debate was postponed. A concentration assembled
again on the ninth. Evita, who could not be present on the third, was
inside the Chamber on the ninth. Outside, a multitude acclaimed her. Another
turning point: women began to see Eva Perón as their spokeswoman.
On September 23, amidst a gigantic
civic convocation in Plaza de Mayo, the law was passed.
The pioneers among the women feminists
rose up against the passage of the law, seeing it as a political maneuver
and not as a defense of the cause of all women.
Their slogan became "Now we don't want to vote."
But in 1951 they all voted, the
Peronista women and the "antis."
The sanction of Law 13010 set in
motion a series of events which would make it more effective. On May 23
the voter registration process began as outlined in article four of Law
13010. In 1951, with Presidential elections on the horizon, Evita, as
President of the Peronista Women's Party, sent a message to the Chamber
of Deputies, asking for amnesty "for that new sector of voters who have
not yet registered."
The road which led to women's suffrage
was arduous. The road towards civic capacitation and the preparation of
women so they could take part in the political struggle would be even
On September 14, 1947, the Peronista
Party reorganized so as to permit the formation of another Peronista Party,
exclusively for women (Partido Peronista Feminino-PPF).
The PPF would become a reality on
July 26, 1949. The first National Assembly of the Peronista Feminist Movement
met in the Cervantes Theater. There the Peronista Women's Party was born.
Its underlying principle would be its adhesion to the doctrine and person
of Perón. Evita was elected President with full organizational
powers. The internal structure of the PPF was monolithic: the President
of the party made the decisions and determined the direction of the work
to be undertaken.
"The organization of the Partido
Peronista Feminino has been for me," Evita wrote in The Reason for
My Life, "one of the most difficult enterprises which I have undertaken.
With no precedent in the country-something which I believe has been to
my good fortune-and without any other resource but a heart placed at the
service of a great cause, I called together one day a small group of women.
There were only about thirty. All were very young. I had known them as
infatigable collaborators in my work of social help, as fervent Peronistas,
fanatics in the cause of Perón. I had to ask great sacrifices of
them: to leave their homes and their jobs, to set aside one lifestyle
and take up a more difficult and intense one. I needed women like them:
untiring, fervent, fanatical. It was necessary to conduct a census of
the women of the whole country to find those who believed in our cause.
This undertaking would require intrepid women who were willing to work
day and night." (Perón, Eva: op.cit., pg. 228)
They were the census delegates who
also had the job of opening the "unidades básicas" (neighborhood
meeting centers). In January of 1950 the first unidad básica was
inaugurated in Buenos Aires, in the President Perón Neighborhood
The unidades básicas of the
Peronista Women's Party, besides being centers of political activity (they
were campaign headquarters during the 1951 Presidential elections), were
centers of social work. "The descamisados," she would say in her autobiography,
"do not distinguish between the political organization over which I preside,
and my Foundation. The unidades básicas are something which belongs
to Evita. And they go to them looking for what they hope Evita can give
them. They themselves, my descamisados, have created a new function for
the unidades básicas: inform the Foundation about the needs of
the humble people of the entire country. The Foundation attends to these
requests by sending help directly to those in need.I have been severely
criticized for this.My eternal super critics consider that in this way
I use my Foundation for political purposes. And maybe they are right!
The end result of my work does have political repercussions; people see
in my work the hand of Perón which reaches to the most remote corner
of my country... and his enemies cannot be happy with that consequence
of my work." (Perón, Eva:op. cit., 230-231).
The political action taken in favor
of women harvested its fruits in the elections held on November 11, 1951.
For the first time ever 3,816,654 women voted, 63.9% for the Peronista
Party,and 30.8% for the Radical Civic Union Party.The Peronista Party
was the only one to include women as candidates for election. In 1952,
23 women deputies and 6 senators took their seats in Congress.
If being a candidate on the ballot
is a right which has been acquired, being elected involves a continuing
struggle. Law 24012, passed in 1991, which establishes a 30% quota for
women in representative political positions, and provides clear evidence
of the discrimination which still pervades our society.
"Everything, absolutely everything
in our contemporary world," wrote Eva Perón in the middle of the
20th century, "has been tailored to the measure of men."
"We are absent from governments."
"We are absent from Parliaments."
"From international organizations."
"We are neither in the Vatican nor
"We are not part of the upper echelons
of the imperialist countries."
"We are not in the atomic energy
"Nor in the great multinational
"Nor in freemasonry nor in any secret
"We are not in any of the great
power centers of the world." (Perón, Eva:op.cit., 223-224)
Since then the world has undergone
profound and vertiginous changes but it is still made to the same measure.
Evita, whose concept of feminism
saw women as protagonists while continuing to be feminine, thought that
the feminist movement should, for love, be united to the cause and doctrine
of a man worthy of trust. She understood that among the many differences
between a man and a woman, one difference involved the concept of "action":
"A man of action is one who triumphs over the rest. A woman of
action is one who triumphs for the rest."
The "action for the rest"
had a name: Eva Perón Foundation.To this Foundation,
Evita dedicated her best efforts.
children found a refuge in the Hogares de Tránsito, temporary
homes where they stayed until work and a permanent home could be found
The social work which Evita began
in 1946 began to acquire far-reaching influence and importance. The Social
Help Crusade worked specifically to create neighborhoods of affordable
housing, Temporary Homes (Hogares de Tránsito), school food programs,
and to provide jobs to unemployed workers, instruments for hospitals,
mediation for the provision of water and sanitary facilities for low income
neighborhoods, donation of household items to needy families, and distribution
of toys to poor children, especially during Christmas and Epiphany.
The funds and the articles were
donated, especially by the workers' unions.
Also, the Social Work Crusade received
funds from the Ministry of Social Welfare which were destined for the
purchase of clothes, shoes, food, and medicine.
Evita's special position in the
power structure (power from the outside) permitted access to the place
where the decisions were made involving projects or increasing workers'
rights. Her position permitted her to take action outside the bureaucratic
By the end of 1947 it was clear
that her social action required an organic structure.
Be Evita ©
Evita Peron Historical Research Foundation
Translation by Dolane Larson
Hecho el depósito que marca la ley 11.723
May not be reproduced in total or partial form
without authorization of the FIHEP